This article was written almost three years ago as part of a discussion about the struggle of the Saharawi people. We currently publish not only the interest and currency of its analysis, but also by the current developments and NOTE: This article was written almost three years ago as part of a discussion about the struggle of the Saharawi people. We currently publish not only the interest and validity of its analysis, but also current events that are taking place in Morocco.
The Western Sahara conflict is an important issue for the revolutionaries of the Maghreb, not only from a theoretical point of view (taking into account the importance of Marxism gives the right to self-determination), but also from a political standpoint and practice (it is impossible to carry out the tasks of the socialist revolution in the region without an internationalist and Marxist understanding of the national question).
To address this issue we think it is useful to have a closer look at the history of conflict and the relationship between the struggle in Western Sahara's struggle in the rest of the Maghreb. This will underline again the idea that the fate of the Saharawi people is also determined by the interests of imperialism and even gained independence (extremely unlikely), we only mean being tied to one or another imperialist power.
English colonialism
Initial contacts Western Sahara Europeans arrived in the fifteenth century through Castile and Portugal. None of these countries made a real effort to establish a permanent colonial presence and were limited to establishing trading ports on the coast, mainly based on the slave trade.
real interest in the Western Sahara was not renewed until the nineteenth century, when the great "scramble for Africa" \u200b\u200bof different European powers Imperialite. In 1894 the Berlin Congress began to impose rules for the division of Africa. In December of that year the English government proclaimed a protectorate over the territories of Rio de Oro, and Cintra Angra West Bay, and in 1885 founded a settlement in Dakhla which was called Villa Cisneros. English Sahara borders were drawn in a series of Franco-English treaties in the period was until 1912. Spain claimed possession of Rio de Oro, Saguia el-Hamra and the English protectorate in southern Morocco, with a total area of \u200b\u200bapproximately 112,000 square kilometers. However, Spain was too weak to fill the desert area had been allocated until 1916, Villa Cisneros was the only English outpost in the region. In 1916 Spain took control of Tarfaya and later, in 1920, formed a third settlement the southernmost tip in the territory called La Guera.
At that time the population of the region was formed by a series of tribes who were regarded by themselves and the neighboring tribes as the Ahel es-Sahel (the population of the coast). Its main economic activity was the pastoral nomadism, but also trade with neighboring tribes. This was a very primitive society and its limited economic base did not allow the existence of many social differentiation. They were organized into tribes (Qabil) governing their affairs by an assembly (Djemaa) of the leaders of the most distinguished families, which in turn elected the sheik of the group. In the tribe assembly or Djemaa was known as the Arbiter or advice Ait-forties, it met in times of war or major crisis.
The harsh conditions of the desert did not allow the establishment of any government or supra-tribal law. The most developed forms of organization emerged only in the south, in what is known as Mauritania, where they settled some supra-tribal weak states from the seventeenth century.
As we have seen, until 1934, the English were limited to establishing a presence in three outposts on the coast, but did not attempt to go inland. As a result, the entire region under English rule became a sanctuary nomadic forces fighting the French advance into Mauritania, Morocco and Algeria. At that time, was a united struggle of all the nomadic tribes. For example, Sheikh Ma el-Ainin Sahara in 1910 attempted to overthrow the weak Alawite sultan, Moulay HFID of Morocco, who was collaborating with the French colonialists. At this time, there was still no clear national consciousness separate tribes in the Sahara and their struggle was aimed at securing the release of Moroccan colonialism and its puppets. The el-Ainin forces were defeated by French troops.
Finally, in 1934, French forces of French Morocco, Algeria and Africa West French and English forces, conducted a joint operation to quell the resistance. France forced Spain to occupy some strategic points on the inside to prevent the territory from being used as a base for raids against French occupied areas of the Maghreb.
Still, the English Sahara remained an almost forgotten colony with little economic value to the metropolis. The main reason for the continued presence was to counter the French occupation of the region and to protect the Canary Islands and the rich fishing waters located between the islands and the Saharan coast. In 1952 there were only 216 officers, 24 phones and only 366 children attended school throughout the English Sahara. The es-Sahel Ahel continued their nomadic life. The English colonists were governed by using their own traditional structures sheiks Qabil. As in many other places, the English Imperialite domain used to implement its tribal structures were largely democratic.
The struggle against colonialism
The period leading to independence of Morocco in 1956, again was characterized by the common struggle in the region against French colonialism and English. The Jaich at-Tahir (Liberation Army) fought in what is now Morocco and parts of Algeria, Western Sahara and Mauritania. Sahrawi tribes fought for the liberation of Morocco.
By gaining independence, the French imperialists complied, and supported, to the newly established monarchy of Mohamed V to maintain control over the country's natural resources. But first they had to quell riots in 1957 in the northern region of the Rif and crush the remnant of the Liberation Army who refused to join the newly formed Royal Armed Forces (FAR), which were based mainly on the southern English territories Morocco and the Sahara. Such was the strength of these guerrillas that during 1957 the English had to withdraw from a handful of forts on the coast and even had to leave Smara.
This movement really was a threat to the decolonization process "controlled" that the French imperialists had planned for Morocco, and also added to their problems in Algeria, a region that wanted to maintain at all costs. Thus, in February 1958 with a joint French-English-called Ecouvillon, attended by 14,000 troops and 130 aircraft finally crushed the resistance movement in collaboration with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Mohamed V. Indeed, after crush this latest focal point of resistance-April 1958 - was when the English agreed to deliver the southern English Morocco to the regime in Rabat.
the early sixties began a profound economic transformation in the English Sahara, and which served to change the nature of the Sahrawi movement. In 1942 he had discovered the phosphate deposits in the region, but the serious recognition and the principle of its operation did not begin until 1962. Phosphate deposits in the territory at that time was estimated at 10,000 million tons, with particularly rich deposits at Bou-Craa. In 1975, after the English colonialists made significant investments, the production reached 2.6 million tons annually.
economic changes in turn led to rapid urbanization of Saharan society, most people fled the harsh nomadic life and settled in major cities. Many of them took salaried jobs while others became merchants. Some changed the nomadic grazing sedentary agriculture. In 1974, 55 percent of the Sahrawi registered in the census of that year, lived in three major cities (Villa Cisneros, Laayoune and Smara), a total of 73,497 Sahrawi census. However, the English census of 1974, which later became the basis of self-determination referendum promised in fact "failed" a large number of Sahrawi who had settled outside the artificial boundaries colonially-imposed English Sahara. At that time there must be at least 75,000-sahel Ahel is in the southern English Morocco, northern Mauritania and southwestern Algeria.
Polisario Birth
In any case, the transition from nomadic to urban areas led to the rise of a new nationalist movement based on the new middle class layers, particularly many Saharawi students who had gone to college abroad and were influenced by the ideas dominant anti-imperialist and also by Stalinism.
is a small underground organization formed in the late sixties called Liberation Organization Saguia el-Hamra and Oued ed-Dahab. The main ringleader was Mohamed Sidi Ibrahim Bassiri, Reguibi tribesman who had studied in Morocco, Egypt and Syria. The movement was crushed by the English Foreign Legion who opened fire on demonstrators nationalists in Laayoune in June 1970. Hundreds were arrested and the main leader, Bassiri, most likely was killed by English forces.
The next attempt to reorganize the anticolonial movement came from new students, mainly in Morocco, but also in Mauritania. Formed a core of Saharawi students in Rabat in 1971-72. Were clearly influenced by the radical ideas of the time and prevalent among university students in Morocco. A decade after the beginning of the decolonization process in Africa, it was clear to many students petit bourgeois that the path chosen by the new African leaders would not solve the real problems of the masses. Despite all the rhetoric about "African socialism" and "Arab socialism", these countries had become regimes bourgeois Bonapartist extremely repressive against any opposition from the working class. The new generation is increasingly being felt more attracted to Stalinism, and particularly its Maoist variant, which was seen as a radical alternative. The situation was actually worse in Morocco where the regime was under the iron grip of the monarchy.
In Morocco Maoist organizations were among the students and practically gained control of the student movement that played a crucial role in the general strike against the Alawite ruler. Some of the founders of the Polisario were activists of these organizations. Thus, when finally Founded in 1973, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Saha el-Hamra and Rio de Oro (Polisario), it was a classic Stalinist guerrilla organization that combines the objective of freeing the Sahara from the English colonialists with the creation of a "Democratic Republic Arab. " In fact, at first for them in order to release the Sahara was seen as part of the "Arab revolution" was supposed to be anti-imperialist, anti-Zionist and against the reactionary feudal rulers of Arab countries, and this would lead to the unification of the Arab nation. For this reason the founders of the Polisario had close contacts and received support from Libya. They also tried to enlist the support of various nationalist organizations in Morocco itself, with little success. This was the first time the nationalist movement in the Sahara adopted the goal of creating an independent Sahara, rather than the joint struggle against imperialism in Morocco and to a lesser extent, in Algeria and Mauritania. At that particular time, the struggle for integration into the Moroccan monarchy was clearly not very attractive. Despite this, the founders of the Polisario originally conceived as an independent Sahara a step towards a united Maghreb as part of the struggle for revolution in the region. No However, if instead of taking a nationalist view of their struggle, they would have connected to the overall struggle against the reactionary Moroccan monarchy, headed by workers, peasants and Moroccan students have made an important contribution to the revolutionary movement in Morocco, so all, is the only guarantee respect for their national rights. Grand Morocco
Meanwhile, both Morocco and Mauritania, had claims on the English Sahara. Immediately after Morocco gained independence from France in 1956, the nationalist Istiqlal party stated that the task of liberating the country had not been completed and that would not be completed until all the historical territory of the Empire Alawite be free. This meant a region that included most of the Algerian Sahara, northeastern Mali, Mauritania, and even a part of Senegal. The current borders that separate the Western Sahara, Mauritania, Algeria and Mali are artificial and were imposed by the French and English imperialism. In fact, on a map can see that are straight lines that do not follow any national or geographic criteria, only the division of spheres of influence between the various colonial powers. This really is the case in most African borders.
However, the emerging Moroccan bourgeoisie represented by Istiqlal was less interested in the integrity of national territory to find a useful way to unify the whole country (although the class interests) in an enterprise to achieve common national divert attention from the masses of their social problems. King Mohamed V, still in the process of consolidating his power, was unable to take advantage of nationalist fervor and therefore took up the cause of Greater Morocco. Thus, Morocco, Mauritania refused to recognize when the country gained independence in 1960. At that time, the idea of \u200b\u200bterritorial integrity was not accepted by all sectors of the nationalist movement. The wing radical and inclined to the left, represented by Ben Barka, in 1959 the Istiqlal broke away to found the Popular Forces of National Union (UNFP), explicitly rejected the idea of \u200b\u200ba Greater Morocco, Mauritania defended the independence and opposed war against Algeria in 1963. The major labor organizations of the time, the Union of Moroccan Workers (UMT). The Communist Party adopted the same position, followed Stalin's criminal policy of the two stages, exactly the same policy as the Istiqlal (and by extension the monarchy) and even criticized the king for recognition in 1970 to Mauritania. At that time the question of Western Sahara simply posed as one of the struggles against English colonialism and the incorporation of its territory to Morocco. Another powerful reason
the Moroccan ruling class to continue with the claims of Greater Morocco was the fear that the spirit of the Algerian liberation movement, which had a language to the left and even "socialist" is extended to Morocco and take you directly to the overthrow of the monarchy. Thus, in 1963, barely a year after Algeria got its independence, Morocco went to war with its neighbor in the brief War of the Playa de las Arenas.
On the other hand, wanted Mauritania Western Sahara avoid falling into the hands Moroccans, as this would give the Moroccan regime belligerent 980 miles of desert border and difficult to protect. In addition, most of the border between Mauritania and English Sahara was the strategic railway line iron ore to 85 percent dependent on exports of Mauritania.
Despite the Moroccan claims over the English Sahara, the Alawite monarchy made no serious move for over a decade and used the conflict primarily as a negotiating tool. A clear example of this was the disbandment of the Front de libération du Sahara (FLS), sponsored by Morocco after Spain Morocco managed to snatch the small enclave of Ifni. After King Hassan II would have excellent relations with the Franco dictatorship in Spain.
In 1974, the English regime had serious trouble at home. Was opening a pre-revolutionary mass action of the working class and the threat of overthrow of the weak dictatorship opened the way for socialist transformation. The English ruling class was terrified. Feared the impact it would have on the English situation a guerrilla war in the Sahara. The example of the Portuguese revolution this year, triggered in part by the disastrous colonial wars in Angola and Mozambique, were still fresh in their minds when they decided to announce a referendum on self-determination for the year 1975.
Since the beginning of the sixties, Spain had followed two different strategies in the Western Sahara. On the one hand, a sector of the Franco government, represented by Carrero Blanco, wanted to maintain a colonial presence indefinitely and was convinced of the loyalty to Spain of the local population, thanks to the modernization that had been made. Thus, formed a political party Saharan moderate Party of the Saharawi National Unity (PUNS). Another section of the regime, the stronger the military wanted a decolonization process controlled by pro-English force that could control the natural resources of the region, particularly the phosphate mines and the rich fishing waters. Both strategies agreed on the need for a separate identity ahead of the Sahrawi pro-Moroccan.
Morocco revolutionary crisis
But this was not acceptable to the Moroccan regime. The monarchy had been through a series of major crises, movements and mass strikes and had suffered two coup attempts in 1971/72. The wave of popular struggles in Morocco began in 1965. The repression of student demonstrations on March 22, provoked an uprising in Casablanca the following day, quickly spread to major cities. The movement was suppressed only after the murder of hundreds of people by the army, more than 3,000 were arrested, dissolved parliament and declared a state of emergency. The repression did not end with the mass movement, in which students played a key role, but also implied a militant strike movement growing. In 1968, 7,000 miners went on strike Khouribga, was a bitter and heroic struggle. In the winter of 1970/71 There were peasant revolts in Gharb, Sous, Haouz and elsewhere. In 1971, the union leadership recognized that they had lost control of the situation and could not strike wave channel, which was attended Khourigba miners, textile workers around the country and so on., Began in March 1973 armed rebellions in Khenifra (Middle Atlas) and Goulmina (High Atlas). Simultaneously, the monarchy faced two coup attempts in 1971 and 1972.
The combination of a number of factors led to a very explosive situation. A decade after independence, the country was ruled by an authoritarian by the monarchy and urgent social demands of the masses were not met. The severe economic crisis and the regime's economic policy, which means a huge transfer of wealth from workers and peasants to the king make things worse. Among young people there were also other factors that exerted influence: the defeat of the Palestinians in the 1967 war led to a harsh criticism of Arab regimes bourgeois and petty bourgeois, the splits in the Palestinian national movement with the formation of the PFLP and the DFLP, influenced by the ideas of Maoism and the Cultural Revolution, the global wave of student radicalism after French general strike in 1968. All these factors had an impact on the political thought of Morocco. In 1970, both the UNFP as the PLS (the new name of the Communist Party) suffered major divisions of the left among youths who turned to Maoism with the formation of the Amam Ila and the March 23 Movement. UNFP himself was also influenced by the radical ideas of Maoism. Hassan II
urgently needed to use the nationalist card to divert attention from the masses, and at the same time ensuring the control of Morocco on the wealth of Western Sahara. In fact, all parties and organizations of Morocco, right and left, adopted the idea considering the regime's official issue of "national integrity of Morocco." This included the Popular Forces of National Union (UNFP) and the Communist Party, following the theory of two stages, they opted for the trailing position, follow the policy of the king in each of the subjects to the to change its name twice by the pressure of the palace.
The only organization that refused to join the chorus of national chauvinism was the Maoist Ila al Amam (Forward), which defended the right of self-determination of Western Sahara. This is important because the organization had a majority in the more powerful organization of college students (UNEM) and certain points of support in the union movement. The other wing of the Maoist movement, the March 23 Movement, took the opposite position and defended the movement Moroccan Sahara from the point of view of national revolution. Serfarty Abraham, a mining engineer fired for supporting the miners, was one of the main leaders of the movement to Amam Ila. He was arrested in 1974 and tried in 1977 on charges of high treason. In 1991 he was expelled from the country and took his Moroccan citizenship. Finally, a few years ago, returned to the country and the king put him in an official position designed to oversee the activities oil exploration in the country. March 23 The organization eventually became a legal party called the Organization for Democratic and Popular Action (OADP), now involved in the legal farce that is the Moroccan parliamentary system. The success of the king's strategy to bring the whole nation behind the monarchy led to the crushing of the revolutionary organizations of the time.
The crisis of Western Sahara and the Green March
To maximize the pressure on Spain, Hassan II regained the claims on the English enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla, began to harass the English fishing boats and even created a pro-Moroccan Saharawi guerrillas, the Liberation Front Unit (FLU) which began in attacks across the border in early 1975. Morocco also signed a secret treaty with Mauritania, which involved the partition of Western Sahara between the two countries.
The English regime, extremely weakened by a revolutionary wave in the English State, could not resist pressure from Morocco and had no clear policy. It became clear that the promised UN referendum was never held because the Moroccan regime was prepared to invade the country while Spain was not prepared to defend with arms holding the referendum. In these circumstances, the PUNS collapsed and with it the English strategy of controlled solution.
At this time, the English regime toying with the idea of \u200b\u200bbringing to power the Polisario, the main objective was to maintain some sort of influence on Western Sahara's natural resources after independence. Spain and the Polisario exchanged prisoners and began discussions on the transfer of power.
Finally, the problem came in July 1975 before the International Court of the United Nations, and he said that the Moroccan claims on Western Sahara were not valid. In response, Hassan II announced a Green March of 350,000 Muslims made ready to claim the "territorial integrity" of Morocco.
As always, the decisions of the UN has no real power because they are not willing to defend them with force. The Moroccan challenge came at the worst time for the Franco regime. The mass movement in Spain was becoming stronger and then, on 17 October, General Franco entered a terminal illness, died last Nov. 20.
The English regime had no other options, the last thing I needed was a war with Morocco, under the pressure from France and the U.S. signed a secret agreement with Hassan II. In return for Western Sahara, Morocco remain silent about Ceuta and Melilla, Spain claimed their fishing interests in the coast of Morocco and Saharan, kept 35 percent of the exploitation of phosphates and get compensation for the remaining 65 percent. The Green March was actually a limited period to which the English regime had reached a deal to avoid a new conflict.
The English withdrawal
Spain withdrew its troops and both Morocco and Mauritania sent theirs. Morocco's occupation of part of the Sahara was so brutal as the crushing of the rebellion of the Rif in 1957. Morocco ended with the lion's share, including the rich phosphate deposits of Bou-Craa and the two main cities: Smara and El Aiun. Mauritania received an arid strip of desert that included the third city: Villa Cisneros. In the transition period price to the arrival of the Moroccan and Mauritanian troops, the Polisario held many of the smaller settlements and was able to keep for months. But finally, they had to go into exile in Algeria, Tindouf refugee camp.
Algeria Morocco saw the expansion as a threat to its own territory and enthusiastically supported Polisario forces from the beginning. This was also part of the Cold War between the U.S. and the Soviet Union. The secretary of state Henry Kissinger made this clear by saying: "America will not allow another Angola on the eastern flank of the Atlantic Ocean." The then U.S. ambassador to Morocco said in his memoirs that it was the U.S. position and that the UN did nothing to prevent the triumph of Morocco in Western Sahara, a task, he noted "I spent the page with a not inconsiderable success" .
The Moroccan regime was the most loyal and valuable ally of Western imperialism in the region, while the regime Algerian left was supported by the Soviet Union. However, it is worth noting that the foreign policy of the Soviet Union was always determined to defend the immediate interests of the Stalinist bureaucracy and not the interests of world revolution. They did not want any direct conflict with the interests of U.S. imperialism and every time a Stalinist regime came to power in any country, were quite reluctant to provide support unless you will face a fait accompli. In fact, neither the Soviet Union, nor any of the countries of Eastern Europe, recognized the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic, declared by the Polisario in 1976 after the departure of English troops.
The exile of the Polisario forces, and with them 50,000 Sahrawi, marked the beginning of a long war. The first phase was aimed mainly dela war against Mauritania. The small country's army was fully extended having to defend a vast territory of 400,000 square kilometers. Polisario incursions reached the same Mauritania, in a couple of occasions they reached the capital Noukchott-, and disrupted iron ore of which depends Mauritania.
French imperialism came to the aid of the Mauritanian regime, and even Morocco sent 9,000 troops to defend the country. The war led to a profound economic crisis in the country worsened with the fall in iron ore prices in world markets and rising oil prices. Moreover, the war was very unpopular among Mauritanian Moors were the majority of the population and considered the fratricidal war. Finally, in July 1978 a military coup, combined a mass movement in the streets, overthrew the Mauritanian regime. The new Military Committee for National Reconstruction signed a peace agreement with Polisario giving the Mauritanian side of the Western Sahara. Here's an example of how the only significant victory achieved by the Polisario in this war was achieved not by military means but through a revolutionary process in Mauritania. However, when Mauritania evacuated their share of the Western Sahara, the Moroccan troops quickly settled.
The war continued for several years without any of the parties has a decisive superiority. In 1980 the Moroccan army began building a defensive wall in the desert to prevent incursions Polisario in Western Sahara, particularly in the north, where the phosphate deposits of Bou-Craa. The wall reached 2,700 km and protected most of the Western Sahara border. Major powers
For the duration of the war, U.S. support for Morocco, but also always tried to maintain open relations with Algeria. After the first years of revolutionary fervor that was not clear whether the Algerian regime would completely eliminate capitalism and become a proletarian Bonapartist regime, the country had been spared for capitalism and business achieved significant profit there. This is the reason why most Western countries of trying, first, supporting and arming Morocco in the conflict (after all, Morocco was the main partner), and On the other hand, an open door policy towards Algeria (trying to do business). But ultimately, in all crucial moments, was positioned next to Morocco. Thus, while the French Socialist Party recognized the Polisario, while in government in the early eighties, continued to supply arms to the Moroccan regime. A similar situation occurred in Spain where the right-wing ruling party, the UCD, recognize the Polisario in 1979, as did the Socialist Party, but the governments of both parties still had good relations with the regime of Hassan II murderer was much important.
The Moroccan monarchy has always been one of the main allies of U.S. imperialism in the Arab world, Morocco is a very important strategic position at the gateway to the Mediterranean. The U.S. had military bases in the country until 1963, and after communication facilities maintained for the U.S. Navy. In 1982 Morocco signed an agreement to facilitate transit to the Rapid Deployment Force U.S. air bases in Morocco, which were fully utilized during the 1991 Gulf War. The Alawite monarchy also provided valuable services to the U.S. and French imperialism in Africa in successive interventions Zaire, pushing the imperialist line of agreement between Arab countries and Israel in the Arab world, and so on., The Soviet Union, despite having close links with the Algerian regime, also signed agreements with Morocco, which among other things ensured access the Moroccan phosphates. The Cold War between the Soviet Union and U.S. imperialism played a role in the conflict, especially during the early years of the war, but that plants were superimposed on the Algerian-Moroccan conflict for hegemony in the Maghreb.
Libya The Libyan regime of Muhammad Qaddafi supported the Polisario at the beginning of the war, as part of its efforts to spread the "Arab revolution." But in 1984, Libya decided that the revolution was not necessarily the most effective means of achieving their particular brand of Arab unity, and stopped supporting the Polisario and led to a "unity agreement" with Morocco. This was primarily an anti-Algeria axis. Libya suffered the Algerian veto its entry into the North African treaty of "peace and harmony", which was signed in 1983 between Algeria, Tunisia and Mauritania. Libya also had territorial claims on a strip of land in the Sahara border with Algeria. With its agreement with Morocco, Gaddafi also sought to prevent King Hassan sent troops to aid the regime of Chad in its battle against Libya supported the rebels. The entire episode of Libya's abandonment of the Polisario and the reasons for their alliance with Morocco, one can draw two main conclusions. First, that the legality of the artificial borders left behind by colonialism (especially French colonialism) can not be overcome by any Arab regime in the region, even the most nationalistic, even though they all claim allegiance to the principle the unity of the Maghreb. This is a democratic task that can only be met as part of the struggle for socialism. Secondly, that for different speeds Maghreb, the struggle of the Saharawi is only a small currency used in relations between them, and that includes the Algerian regime.
Algeria-Morocco relations
In Morocco and Algeria has always been a strong feeling that their people were arbitrarily divided by the French and English imperialism. One of the first Algerian nationalist organizations called North African Star (Etoile nord-africaine). When France finally had to give independence to its Moroccan and Tunisian protectorates in the mid-fifties, the Algerian Liberation Front (ALF) put foundations in both countries, and many Moroccans and Tunisia gave their lives fighting shoulder to shoulder with their brothers and sisters in Algeria. Most of this first generation of nationalist leaders clearly adhered to the idea of \u200b\u200ba united and independent Maghreb.
After Algeria gained independence, the feeling was that the revolutionary process should not end until it was overturned semi-feudal monarchy of Morocco, who was collaborating with imperialism. The Algerian President Houari Boumediene, put it this way: "Our Moroccan brothers think, in essence, we helped liberate France, now we have to help them get rid of the feudal monarchy that has sold to west. " Thus, the Moroccan monarchy was immediately threatened by the revolutionary ideas emanating from Algeria (agrarian reform, anti-imperialist language, extension of nationalization in the economy, Arab Socialism, etc.). In 1963 the king issued a brief war against Algeria. It is important to note that right-wing parties in Morocco, most notably the Istiqlal, supported the palace and got their ideas of a Greater Morocco, while the UNFP left opposed the war. UNFP leader Ben Barka in Algerian exile, denounced "the attack on the Algerian revolution from a feudal monarchy." The address of the UNFP was arrested and Ben Barka was kidnapped and murdered two years later in Paris by Moroccan agents with the collaboration of the French secret services. The Moroccan monarchy also had the possibility of the emergence of a leftist nationalist movement within the army, modeled on the Algerian revolution by allying with the UNFP. This fear was not unfounded, since the attempted coup of 1971 was intended to establish the "Republic of Morocco."
Over the years, the conflict between Morocco and Algeria was no longer a conflict between two different ideological models. The revolutionary fervor the Algerian regime was gradually disappearing, first in 1965 with the coup against Ben Bella and particularly after the death of Boumediene, along with the recession of the economy. The Algerian revolution no longer represented a serious threat to the Moroccan monarchy. The war between Morocco and the Polisario had become expensive and almost invincible to the extent that Algeria supported the Sahrawi. King Hassan II had to maintain a huge army of 140,000 men over the Sahara desert to contain the 10,000 armed men from the Polisario. The funding of the war was becoming an unbearable burden on the Moroccan economy. According to some calculations, the cost was one million dollars a day.
In the eighties the two regimes are faced with mass unrest of the poor against rising prices of basic foodstuffs, the lack of jobs, etc.., These were particularly violent in Morocco in 1981 and again in 1984. All these factors led to a rapprochement between the two countries. The first diplomatic summit between the two countries since the beginning of the war took place in 1983 and again in 1987. In 1988 resumed normal diplomatic relations in 1989, Algeria and Morocco, along with Libya, Mauritania and Tunisia formed the Arab Maghreb Union (UMA). Later the civil war began in Algeria in 1992 after the fundamentalist FIS won a majority in municipal elections, further undermining the decision of the Algerian generals to support the Polisario.
This was obviously a lot of pressure for the Polisario. After twenty years of war in the desert realized that if they could put a severe strain on the Moroccan army, had no way to win the war. And if Algeria withdrew its support, then their fate was sealed. POLISARIO strategy to comply with the support of different regimes in the region (Libya and Algeria) and the guerrilla war has not achieved any its objectives. On top of that, in the period that led to the collapse of Stalinism, the Polisario gradually abandoned any mention of socialism or revolution, and became increasingly involved in diplomatic efforts to ensure a positive outcome of their struggle.
talks began in 1986 under the auspices of the UN and in 1998 both sides agreed to a peace plan. There seemed no obstacle to a negotiated settlement. There have been two major factors that have prevented it from taking place. On the one hand, all countries and powers involved in the conflict want to ensure control over the rich reserves of phosphates in the Western Sahara fishing grounds off its coast. On the other hand, the Moroccan monarchy has been based both in the exploitation of nationalist sentiments of the people to make concessions now in the Sahara issue would shake the foundations of the whole system and possibly lead to his overthrow.
"Referendum?
In 1991 he signed an agreement that included the partial withdrawal of Moroccan troops and closure of remaining in their barracks, a gradual return of Sahrawi refugees in Tindouf camps, sending a UN observer force ( MINURSO) and, finally, a referendum on self-determination that was to be held in 1992. Ten years later there was held a referendum, and the UN now says it will not take place. What happened in the meantime?
Polisario's strategy during the referendum process once again relied on diplomacy. Wanted to separate the U.S. from France and get some kind of independence in exchange for granting access to U.S. imperialism to its natural resources. In fact, the bankruptcy of the leadership of Polisario reached such levels that they tried to convince the U.S. that the best thing for the Moroccan monarchy remained in power was to be granted the Western Sahara! Willing to accept the dictatorial rule the reactionary Moroccan regime over millions of their brothers and sisters to achieve formal independence in which local officers would be U.S. imperialism. This is a position similar to that recently adopted regarding the PKK to Turkey. But this position is actually the result of petty-bourgeois nationalist view that the Polisario has had since its inception in 1973.
addition to its offer to U.S. imperialism, the leaders of the Polisario also presented a more moderate face and committed to the English ruling class, suggesting a preferential treatment on mineral resources and fishing grounds. Unfortunately for them, in the overall scheme, Morocco is much more important for imperialism that any concession on the Sahara.
The main obstacle on the question of the referendum was the census of the population eligible to vote. Under the peace agreement they are entitled to vote would be those who could prove to be included in the English census of 1974 or were descendants of those who were. Morocco realized that if that was the only criterion used, the referendum would have a massive vote in favor of independence and so began a series of maneuvers to block the process. Above all, he argued that the 1974 census was not a valid basis for the 45 percent of the Saharawi were not counted in the 1974 census because they had been outside the bounds of the English Sahara. Most of these have been integrated into Morocco and most likely would vote against independence. Obviously, Morocco presented this objection by an interest in democracy, but as a maneuver to ensure that the referendum had a favorable outcome.
Throughout the process of identifying the vote, the attitude of the UN and the U.S. was very clear for Morocco. In 1995, the U.S. envoy of MINURSO, Jack Rudy resigned in protest against the blatant pro-Moroccan attitude of all the MINURSO operation. Fair before departure as UN Secretary General Perez de Cuellar, suddenly expanded the criteria to be included on the electoral roll. Now, all members of the 88 sub-fractions of the 10 tribes in the English census of 1974 should be included, even if not directly recorded in the center. The next problem was how to identify those entitled to vote. The Polisario insisted that they were only valid only original documents issued by the English colonial authorities and only in exceptional cases, the oral testimony of the sheiks who lead the 88 sub-fractions. Morocco insisted that the written documents issued by Morocco would also be valid.
The attitude of both parties was not based on democratic principles of any kind, but to try to get a favorable electoral roll for them. The question of the rights of the 100,000 Moroccans who have colonized the Western Sahara during the last 25 years can not be solved only say it was policy instruments to Morocco. It is true but would it be democratic to deny all democratic rights as has happened in the newly independent Baltic republics where ethnic Russian population has been denied their political rights? Farce and delay
The voter identification process has become a farce, where both parties present and challenge sheiks. Finally, in 1997 both sides signed the agreement meant Houston accelerate the identification process and to smooth the points of dispute. James Baker, former U.S. secretary of state, was appointed UN Special Envoy for Western Sahara. The appointment of so heavy a weight of U.S. diplomacy was a sign that Washington wanted a deal. U.S. interest in Algeria had wanted to access one way or another to the Sahara's natural resources and in general, was interested in stability in the region. But this could only be achieved in as it does not fundamentally alter the main and most valuable ally, Morocco. Polisario leaders really believed in the "goodwill" of the U.S. representatives. The head of the organization, Mohamed Abdel Aziz said in 1997 that "Baker is a man capable and courageous" and "has made it clear during his meeting with Bush that the U.S. respect international law and defend." In guerrilla warfare to diplomacy "new world" in only 23 years!
In 2000, MINURSO was able to identify 86, 381 voters out of 147,249 applicants. Of these, 40,000 were in camps Polisario refugees in Algeria and Mauritania, the Sahrawi rest are living in Western Sahara are likely to vote for independence. The Moroccan regime was clear he would lose if the referendum was held on the basis of this census. So the 79,000 appeals had rejected election, over 65,000 tribal members living in Morocco (only 2,000 of them have been accepted as voters). This makes a total of 130,000 applications would be, at best, a process that would last three years. Clearly the referendum plan is in tatters.
In February 2001 the Polisario had had enough with all the process and announced that if the Paris-Dakar rally through the territory of Western Sahara without your permission, would resume hostilities. His announcement reflected the enormous frustration among the Saharawi refugee camps after ten years of waiting for the promised referendum. But at the last minute, when the fighters were already in their positions ready to restart the war Algeria pressure forced the leaders of the Polisario to withdraw and suspend the offensive. This incident reflects very well the situation found Polisario leaders after more than 20 years of guerrilla warfare. They are hostages to their host, the Algerian regime, a regime already has enough internal problems themselves and do not intend to add more to this new phase of the war with its eastern neighbor. Highlight the growing isolation of the Polisario representative concerned has been expelled Nouakchoot February 2000 by the Mauritanian government after he was accused of losing its neutrality.
is also important to note that the Algerian regime, which are based Polisario leaders, now is quite different from that arose immediately after the Algerian revolution. Boumedienne's regime was a bourgeois nationalist regime, which had a revolutionary prestige, which used the revolutionary phrase and introduced a series of reforms in the economy. In the end, the Bonapartist regime Algerian hit the limits of capitalism. With the economic crisis of the eighties, the regime lost popularity and revolts. The failure of the left based on bourgeois nationalism led to the rise of Islamic fundamentalism in the nineties. Now, the appeal of fundamentalism in Algeria has been exhausted and no longer a vehicle for expressing the anger of the population. The insurrection in Kabylia in the spring and summer of 2001, marked the beginning of a new wave of mobilizations of workers and youth who struggle against the regime of General Algerian firmly committed to the IMF's policy of privatization and social spending cuts. The movement suffered severe repression. With all these changes and social struggles in Algeria, the Polisario leaders have been silent, have made no criticism of the Algerian regime's policy. What else could they do? Depend on the support of Algeria for its own existence. In fact, have become staunch allies of the capitalist regime murderer, who is hated by his own people and has to resort to naked repression to stay in power.
The United Nations finally recognized that they should have left it clear from the principle: the referendum will not take place unless you want to Morocco. In a June 2001 report, Kofi Annan recommended to the Security Council to freeze the entire process to consider a new proposal: a period of five years of limited autonomy and power sharing at the end of it, the referendum would be held on final status of the territory. An executive elections would take place immediately on the basis of the 86,000 voters identified after five years could vote to all citizens living in the territory.
POLISARIO immediately rejected the plan, known as the Third Way, thought it was a fake and demanded the holding of a referendum taken based on the first agreement. In Morocco there are different options. Some parts of the regime, including former - Maoist leader Abraham Serfaty, were in favor of the proposal, believing that ultimately, the proposal would be useful to the interests of Morocco. Others opposed, fearing that any concession to the Sahara had a destabilizing effect.
The main problem for the leaders of the Polisario is that they see no alternative: either accept what is given, or return to war, and this time would not count on the support of Algeria. This would be a disaster. Not only that, but at the same proposed while the Third Way, the United Nations announced that in the refugee agency had spent the money and funds for the Saharawi camps in Tindouf. This was a clear message of the UN, if not accept the proposal risked losing all funding for the fields. The press of the Polisario in June 2001, rejected the plan of the Third Way, a clear sign of the ineffectiveness of his leadership. Its press is full of bitter complaints and appeals to "international law" and "all those concerned respect for justice and the law", "denounce the shameful game of Morocco and its ally France" and "help save legality international peace "
" Partition?
The refusal of Algeria and the Polisario to consider the proposal of the Third Way, led directly to the latest UN report in February 2002. This is a very interesting document, written in a direct and sincere, something unusual in the diplomatic papers of this type. The document describes in detail the current status of proceedings and concludes: "it is unlikely that the proposed plan in its current form, can be implemented in a fast, it is also unlikely to find a lasting, long and consensual to the dispute over Western Sahara. " Ie referendum be held. The UN Secretary-General goes on to say that there are four possible options. The first option would be to continue with the agreed plan and proceed with the referendum. But "Morocco has expressed unwillingness to continue with the agreed plan, the UN would not be able to hold a free and fair referendum results that could be accepted by both parties and in any case there would be no mechanism to implement the results in a referendum. " The last point is very important to highlight and highlights the difference between Western Sahara and East Timor. What supports the UN is that Morocco has the military force to prevent the referendum and to not implement the results, therefore, the UN can not do anything on this issue. All talks about "international law" have been clearly exposed. In other words, as UN officials said the leaders of the Polisario, "You can not compare this situation with East Timor, because here is Australia willing to intervene."
The second would involve the review of the Third Way The UN is not very optimistic about this prospect, but has the advantage that it "would be reduced in size the MINURSO." In fact, the report is written under U.S. pressure to think who has spent too much money in the UN mission without getting any results and that it is time to end the charade and stop the UN bureaucrats spend more time and resources.
The third option is a new proposal that involves a partition of Western Sahara that would more or less the same lines as the partition of 1976 between Morocco and Mauritania, but now the Polisario would have control of the Mauritanian side. This is not a bad offer for Morocco would keep most of the phosphates and two of the three main towns of the territory. The offer also would like to Algeria would gain a friendly neighbor with access the Atlantic. Polisario might be forced to accept these crumbs from the table of great powers for fear of getting nothing at all. In fact, the same UN report says that in the choice of James Baker (UN envoy) "Algeria and the Polisario would be willing to discuss or negotiate a division of territory as a political solution." Both Algeria and Polisario leaders have said publicly reject this option, but probably are statements to the gallery or to get a greater share of the pie. This solution would also benefit English interests because it would leave the most POLISARIO rich fisheries in the Western Sahara. Spain sow has been in conflict with Morocco and the Polisario issue has already indicated that they would agree to reach an agreement with Spain.
The fourth option is to recognize the total failure of the UN and "accept this so that, after more than eleven years and after spending ... nearly $ 500 million, the UN has not solved any problem of Western Sahara. "
What we can see clearly is the complete failure of the strategy of the Polisario and its policy of the past 25 years. His policy during the ceasefire period is actually a continuation logic of its policy during the war, ie a purely nationalist necessarily based on the support of one country or another. Now, no country is willing to support them in a serious way, despite attempts by the leadership of Polisario to be sold to U.S. interests or Spain.
The only policy that makes sense is to return to the control unit that existed in the fifties, and even before, among the forces that fought against imperialism and its local agents in the form of the Alawite monarchy in Morocco. Only by linking the interests of the Sahrawi to their brothers and sisters in Morocco and Algeria, they can get respect for their national rights. The situation is explosive in both countries. What has been described as the popular uprising in Algeria in 2001, and the situation in Morocco, contains the same elements that started the movement in Algeria. The monarchy is not as strong as before the death of Hassan II, and has been forced to put the "socialist" USFP in government. The economy suffers a severe crisis that forces hundreds of thousands of Moroccans to emigrate to Europe.
The only realistic solution would be the revolutionary struggle itself based on Western Sahara, and in Moroccan universities where the Sahrawi students. This fight should be based in the fight for jobs, bread and democracy, as not only national laws are sufficient to reach the masses of workers, peasants and youth of Morocco, who are the ones who really can overthrow the reactionary monarchy Alawite them press both them and the Saharawi.
Another point that seems clear is that before the war there was a separate national identity of the Sahrawi people and no aspiration to independence. Now it has emerged after more than 20 years of war and brutal repression of the Saharawi population in the Western Sahara. This is something to consider. But it must also be absolutely clear in explaining the Saharawi that the only solution and a way to win respect for their national rights, is through the revolutionary struggle of the masses in Morocco under the direction of the working class. A referendum
Some have asked what position should the Marxists take in the event that the UN convene a referendum on Sahrawi self-determination. First, we have established the reasons why it is practically ruled out a referendum. Second, if the referendum were held the position of Marxists should not be limited to choose between independence or integration with Morocco. In this situation, The duty of Marxists would explain clearly the reality of the situation. We should say, look what has happened in East Timor, no trust in the United Nations. If the referendum results are certainly pro-independence Morocco and its implementation would not be imposed by force of arms. Who would defend the Sahrawi? Will the UN? That's a joke. We should insist on the idea, once again, that the only way to achieve their goals Sahrawis is forming an alliance with the working class in Morocco. Even in the unlikely event that the establishment of an independent Sahara, in the end would be left either imperialist power. That's what we Marxists say the Saharawi if they were confronted with a referendum.
International Marxist Tendency [June 6, 2005]
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